EIR INTELLIGENCE MEMO

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Jun 19, 2017 No Comments ›› LaroucheSA

EIR

 Executive Intelligence Review

INTELLIGENCE MEMO

 The Queen’s New High Commissioner to South Africa Is Well Qualified to Lead Regime Change

by David Cherry

June 19, 2017—The Queen has escalated against South Africa by appointing a very high level diplomat with regime-change experience as the new High Commissioner (ambassador). Nigel Casey, CMG, MVO, has been in the country since at least since April 18.

After the failure of almost three years of regime-change mobilization, the appointment was seen as necessary. Especially so, because Buckingham Palace no longer sees the U.S. side as a reliable cat’s paw in South Africa or elsewhere: President Donald Trump has repeatedly claimed that his government will not be involved in regime-change operations.

Casey took his university degree at Balliol College, Oxford, a college noted as a training ground for intelligence officers. But he is officially a career diplomat. He was involved in an attempted regime change while Ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina from August 2011 to January 2014. Immediately upon his return home, the attempt at regime change that had been visibly under preparation for a year, erupted with violence in Tuzla, Bosnia, on Feb. 8, 2014. From 2014 until now, he has been Private Secretary to the Prime Minister for Foreign Affairs at 10 Downing Street, where Prime Minister Cameron is said to have relied heavily on him. He remained in that position when Theresa May became prime minister.

The trajectory of Casey’s career is one of diverse and increasing responsibility. Casey is now a very seasoned operative with wide experience in many different kinds of diplomatic and foreign policy work. Now he has been sent to South Africa. It is clear what that means: a focus on regime change.

Upon completing his degree at Oxford, his first Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) assignment (1991-1993) was as program officer for Hungary for the UK government’s Know How Fund. The fund—in parallel with the Soros Foundations, the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy, and other institutions—poured money and guidance into former Soviet-bloc nations, allegedly to assist them “in the transition to free market democracies,” but especially to advance the larger strategy of surrounding the Russian Federation with hostile powers steered by the British Empire.

Casey was then posted to South Africa as Vice Consul in Johannesburg in June 1993, before the 1994 election that brought in the Mandela government. After two years there, he became Chief of Staff to the Ambassador to Washington (2 years). Thereafter, he headed the FCO Nuclear Weapons and Disarmament Team (2 years), the FCO G-8 and OECD Team (1 year), the Foreign and Security Policy team in the British Embassy in Moscow (3 years, 2003-2006), and the FCO Iraq Unit (almost 2 years). He was Deputy High Commissioner in New Delhi (almost 4 years) until May 2011.

Casey replaced the retiring High Commissioner, Dame Judith Macgregor, a professional diplomat who is not at his exceptionally high level.

            The Foreign Office must have anticipated the March firing of Gordhan, and may have chosen Casey in that light. That is especially likely in light of Casey’s regime change experience, but also in light of his public interventions regarding South African fiscal and economic policy in May and June. Most notably, on May 17, Casey was present at the palatial Villa Arcadia, Johannesburg, for the launch of a book that he praises on economic policy for Africa, written by operatives and associates of the Oppenheimer family’s Brenthurst Foundation, titled, Making Africa Work: A Handbook for Economic Success. The authors include the invertebrate former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo; the well connected British Army Maj. Gen. (ret.) Dickie Davis, who has recent Army engineering experience in the Balkans and Afghanistan; U.S. political scientist Jeffrey Herbst; and the Brenthurst Foundation’s director, Dr. Greg Mills, who for ten years was Director of the South African Institute of International Affairs, the South African branch of the British Roundtable. These authors praise the Mexican model of “industrialization”-for-export. Casey was there for the book launch.

Consider the context in which Casey was appointed: In late 2016 and into January 2017, the British-steered South African media had not only pumped up the London-owned Finance Minister, Pravin Gordhan, as a South African national hero, but had begun to refer to Gordhan as the “President” that Zuma should be, and had begun to ask, “President Gordhan?” (Nov. 2016-Jan. 2017: Mail & Guardian, the brainless talking head Aubrey Matshiqi and, on Jan. 15, the Sunday Times).

Zuma had already had enough of Gordhan—who was blocking plans for government spending on infrastructure projects—well before the Jan. 15 article about “President Gordhan.” His firing of Gordhan had already been foreseeable for a few months when Casey’s appointment as High Commissioner was announced on March 24, just a week before Zuma actually did fire Finance Minister Gordhan.

Nigel Casey’s appointment is a menacing escalation from the Queen’s side.

Meanwhile, former U.S. President Barack Obama’s work toward regime change in South Africa and elsewhere has not diminished. Obama spent the weekend of May 27-28 with Prince Harry at Kensington Palace. Harry spent the summer of 2015 and more than four months of 2016 in South Africa and Southern Africa, and it wasn’t all partying and “Save the Elephants.” Obama’s view, aligned with that of the British monarchy, is that Africa needs service jobs, not industrialization. As he told his audience in Soweto in 2012, “You can’t all have air conditioning and refrigerators. We have to stop global warming” (paraphrase).

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